Progress moves too slowly for those in a hurry. Sometimes efforts to save our democracy seem slow apace. The simple truth remains: we are an experiment in men’s ability to govern themselves. Experiments take time. You try something, see if it works, determine whether you like it, put it out for comment, and see what happens. The Founders conceived a form of government never tried, only a concept. It is still in the trial stage.
Madison told us (The Federalist #51) that dividing government into equal branches would prevent despotism by one branch over another. It was an ingenious approach for the time. He saw the House as “the people,” the Senate as the “states.” He saw the Executive implementing the laws of the Legislature, and the Judicial as the limiter of each.
A government so conceived requires tenacity to maintain equilibrium. It is easy for one branch to put its thumb on the scale. A Madisonian republic, however, was one in which “the legislative authority necessarily predominates” and the two houses “as little connected with each other as the nature of their common functions and their common dependence on the society will admit.”
Well, the last couple of decades show us what a lack of diligence can bring to a delicate attempt to be a free state. The Senate no longer calms the excesses of the House; Congress as a whole gives much of its authority to the Executive, the Judiciary seems comfortable with a strong executive at the helm, and a government less by the people than by the oligarchs and autocrats. Perhaps an extended generalization, but…
Churchill’s note that “Americans will always do the right thing, only after they have tried everything else” may be coming to pass. While still a majority conservative Court, it is a protector of the Constitution. Its job is to preserve the plain speak of the Founders. Article One, section eight of our Constitution states that “the Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises …” Article Two gives no such power to the Executive.
The Supreme Court drew a red line last week. The Constitution prevailed. Justice Gorsich stated that while “the legislative process helps ensure each of us has a stake in the laws that govern us and in the Nation’s future… for some today, the weight of those virtues is apparent. For others, it may not seem so obvious… But if history is any guide, the tables will turn and the day will come when those disappointed by today’s result will appreciate the legislative process for the bulwark of liberty it is.”
Learning Resources, Inc. v. Trump, consolidated with V.O.S. Selections v. Trump, was a simple case; did the International Emergency Economic Powers Act authorize the President to impose tariffs? The Court said no. The Executive complained with vitriol. I'm reminded of Socrates's notion that, "When the debate is lost, slander becomes the tool of the loser."
The ruling was really less about tariffs in made-up emergencies than it was about the limits of power enumerated in the Constitution. It was also a clarion call for the Legislature to start behaving like a law-making body is supposed to act.
A number of the Supremes are in the strong-executive camp, even those who purport to be originalists. In more than twenty recent cases, it gave the Executive traditional deference, even wide latitude on issues, and has generally continued to give the Department of Justice prosecutorial discretion. In Learning Resources, though, it drew a red line. The Executive must follow the Constitution. Churchill was right.
The current inhabitants of the Executive departments show their preference almost daily, bolstered by Project 2025’s misunderstanding of the Founder’s aim – a nation with the people as the source of power.
They immediately announced continued tariffs under different legislation. The Executive’s reaction to the Court’s decision demonstrated a lack of respect for checks and balances, rancor, and name-calling. It was as though the act of appointing someone to the Court required rulings in the Executive's favor on any issue as a matter of course. It had the stench of mob rule.
The shot across the bow of the Executive branch could be a precursor of future rulings when the Constitution is trampled. It could, and would in a normal administration, return ICE to following constitutional processes in its efforts to deport those who entered the country by illegal means. It might push these agencies to provide something as simple as due process before deporting. It might dissuade the agencies from creating concentration camps across the country, expected to hold tens of thousands of people for extended periods of time. It might urge them to remove masks from their officers or add identification to their uniforms.
If none of these things happen, at least the people of the nation know that there is a point beyond which the Court will not tolerate violation of the Constitution. For those who have taken an oath to protect and defend the Constitution, it could be a good start toward making democracy great again.